Investigación y Desarrollo • Volumen 11 • 2016 • Diciembre • Nº 1 • ISSN: 1390-5546 / e-ISSN: 2361-2557
5
Frustration and hope: a review of the response undertaken in national education programmes
to lower-than-expected rates of foreign language acquisition.
ISSN: 1390 - 5546 / e-ISSN: 2361-2557
ARTÍCULO RECIBIDO: 21/11/16
ARTÍCULO ACEPTADO: 30/11/18
FRUSTRATION AND HOPE: A REVIEW OF THE RESPONSE UNDERTAKEN IN NATIONAL
EDUCATION PROGRAMMES TO LOWER-THAN-EXPECTED
RATES OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE ACQUISITION.
FRUSTRACIÓN Y ESPERANZA: UN ANÁLISIS DE LAS MEDIDAS ADOPTADAS EN LOS
PROGRAMAS DE EDUCACIÓN NACIONAL ANTE LAS TASAS INFERIORES
A LAS ESPERADAS EN LA ADQUISICIÓN DE IDIOMAS EXTRANJEROS.
Roger Edwards / University of Newcastle upon Tyne / rs.edwards2@newcastle.ac.uk
ABSTRACT
T
his review and discussion focused on surveys and reports regarding the rate of foreign language acquisition and attainment within national
compulsory education systems, academic analyses of the results obtained, and national programmes and initiatives designed to address the
shortcomings revealed in them. The proposed reasons for lower-than-expected acquisition and attainment in foreign language learning within
countries including the European Union, Colombia, Vietnam and Ecuador were reviewed in detail. These reasons, and the measures undertaken as
a result to remedy these flaws, were evaluated through a comparison with recent academic research relating to these factors, and through com-
parison between the different experiences revealed in the surveys and reports. These comparisons found that some of the measures undertaken
were fit for purpose and were likely to yield some improvements in acquisition rate, although to a lesser extent than those projected by some of the
national programmes, while identifying some aspects which have been overlooked. The conclusion highlighted in which aspects of the teaching
and learning of foreign languages requires greater focus is needed in order to effect the desired changes.
Investigación y Desarrollo • Revista de Divulgación Científica y Cultural • Volumen 11
Diciembre 2016 • PP 5 -16 • Dirección de Investigación y Desarrollo • U.T.A. • Ambato - Ecuador
RESUMEN
E
ste artículo de revisión y discusión se centró en los sondeos e informes sobre la tasa de adquisición y rendimiento en los idiomas extranjeros
dentro de los sistemas de educación nacionales obligatorios, los análisis académicos de los resultados obtenidos, y los programas e iniciativas
destinados a remediar las falencias identificadas. Las posibles causas del bajo rendimiento, menor al esperado, en la adquisición de idiomas ex-
tranjeros, observadas en algunos países de la Unión Europea, Colombia, Vietnam y Ecuador, se revisaron en detalle. Estos motivos y las medidas
adoptadas como consecuencia para remediar las falencias fueron evaluados por medio de una comparación con investigaciones académicas
recientes, así como entre las distintas experiencias recopiladas en los sondeos e informes. Como consecuencia de estas comparaciones, se
concluyó que algunas de las medidas adoptadas sí son las adecuadas, y que darán lugar a una mejoría en la tasa de adquisición del idioma
extranjero, aunque en menor grado que lo proyectado por algunos de los programas nacionales, y a la vez se identificarán otros aspectos que
no han sido tomados en cuenta. La conclusión resaltó en cuales aspectos de la enseñanza y aprendizaje de idiomas extranjeros es necesario un
mayor enfoque para poder efectuar los cambios proyectados.
Key words:
EFL, acquisition, education, policy
Palabras clave:
EFL, adquisición, educación, políticas
Roger Edwards
Investigación y Desarrollo • Volumen 11 • 2016 • Diciembre • Nº 1 • ISSN: 1390-5546 / e-ISSN: 2361-2557
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INTRODUCTION
I
n 2014, launching their second national programme for the
reinforcement of English language teaching and learning, the
Colombian Ministry of Education made this important reflection:
Las horas asignadas a inglés en teoría son suficientes
para alcanzar los niveles de la aspiración si fueran horas
de la mejor calidad en un ambiente de aprendizaje con
buenas condiciones [The hours assigned to English
are, in theory, sufficient to reach the levels aspired
to, only if they are the best of quality and hours, in a
learning environment of a good standard]. (Ministerio de
Educación Nacional [MEN], 2014, p. 46)
The aspirations referenced here were that nearly half of the
student population reach level B2 by the end of high school
education. The following reflection is a common one: how many
hours of instruction are necessary to become fully independent in
a foreign language, and which variables delay or even altogether
impede the attainment of this level?
This same question has been raised by many other countries in
recent years. Latin America and South-East Asia, in particular,
are areas where national initiatives have been undertaken, and
are currently in progress at analysing why the many hours given
over to English instruction in school and university systems have
not resulted in a higher level of attainment. The standard being
sought in the long term is a B2 level of the CEFR (MEN, 2014;
Ortega & Argudo, 2016; Nguyen, 2017), with a C1 level required
for some university language programmes. These aspirations,
and the reason why certain levels of attainment are important to
the governments and economies of the countries concerned, are
summarised in Figure 1.
Figure 1. Schematic of the levels of the CEFR used as references in the review.
Source: compiled by author based on data in MEN (2014); Ortega & Argudo (2016); Nguyen (2017).
T
his review discusses the objectives and interim results of
national programmes in Vietnam (British Council Vietnam,
2018; Nguyen, 2017; Tuyet, 2015); Colombia (Bonilla & Tejado-
Sánchez, 2016; British Council, 2015a; Portafolio, 2015; MEN,
2014); and Ecuador (Ortega & Argudo, 2016; British Council,
2015b; Ministerio de Educación del Ecuador [Mineduc],
2014; Ureña, 2014). Moreover, a number of countries within
the European Union have experienced disappointing rates of
progress in languages, as reported and analysed following the
First European Survey of Languages Competences, (Costa &
Almeida, 2015; Araujo & Costa, 2013; European Commission,
2012), and their results are reviewed here.
The actions undertaken, or suggested courses of action proposed
by academics and authorities in these different contexts, are
reviewed and compared to the findings and recommendations
of a number of established historical studies and observations
of factors affecting the rate of acquisition (Spolsky, 2014, 1989;
Muñoz & Singleton, 2011; Muñoz, 2006; Zarker, 2000; Jackson
& Kaplan, 1999). The discussion and conclusions highlight those
aspects of the initiatives and analyses which are fit for purpose,
while recommending changes to those aspects in which
resources have been mis-directed and are unlikely to yield much
progress in the rate of acquisition.
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7
Frustration and hope: a review of the response undertaken in national education programmes
to lower-than-expected rates of foreign language acquisition.
METHODOLOGY
Criteria used for the selection
of data for the study
L
anguage acquisition is a vast topic: Spolsky (1989, 2014
identified 74 conditions which influence successful learning,
while other authors have suggested more factors. Therefore,
it is necessary to define the parameters of the present review
and discussion and to set aside those factors which will have no
bearing on the discussion here.
Firstly, all of the contexts discussed refer to the length of the
acquisition process of a foreign language, and therefore
exclude any discussion of acquisition rates for students learning
within an L2 community. The study contemplates chiefly the
experiences of students who learn the L2 in a classroom and/or
through self-study from within their own country. However, some
consideration is given to the minority who receive an amount of
additional exposure from within their own countries, sufficient to
be regarded as a degree of immersion in the target language,
and the opportunities for implicit learning that may result (Muñoz
& Singleton, 201; DeKeyser, 2003).
Secondly, this discussion is based upon studies of large
populations derived from national statistics. It, therefore,
necessarily excludes the effects of individual variation in
acquisition rate. Spolsky (1989, p. 15) postulated the formula:
K(f) = K(p) + A + M + O
where K(f) is the future level of competence of the L2 being
aimed for, and is to be achieved by taking K(p) (the current level
of competence) and adding to it A, which is the individual’s
ability for languages; M, which are the individual’s motivational
factors; and O, which are the external opportunities for language
learning and acquisition. For the purposes of this review and
discussion, the considerations corresponding to factor ‘A’ are of
no relevance. Furthermore, considerations pertaining to factor
‘M’ are not relevant, except where motivational factors may
be identified as common to a student population as a whole.
Therefore, the ‘opportunity’ factors are the variables bearing
upon rate of progress and attainment to be considered. Here, this
study follows the criteria adopted by several of the contributors
to the Spolsky and Sung (2014) examination of conditions for
English language teaching and learning in Asia (see for example,
Moon, 2014, pp. 167-184).
Criteria used for the evaluation
of national programmes
T
here are no universally accepted research results on how
many hours of total study are required to reach a specified
level of competence in a foreign language. One source of
official data for which there are reliable details concerning the
background and study habits of students was provided by The
Foreign Service Institute (FSI). The FSI, a U.S. government body
which trains diplomats in almost all world languages, produced
an influential report (Jackson & Kaplan, 1999) which indicated
average times for the acquisition of a B2/C1 borderline equivalent
level of competence in different languages. For languages of the
same linguistic branch, for example English and Spanish, they
claimed around 600 classroom hours are required, based upon
the results obtained by their students. This coincides with the
recommendation of Cambridge English Assessment (2017) and
the Alliance Française [French language-teaching organisation]
(2017) for the same level of competence in their respective
languages. These institutions both claim that level B2 may be
achieved within 500 and 600 hours of guided instruction. These
figures provide a guideline for comparisons with the situation
in the different countries in this review. Figure 2 shows the
current expected level of attainment, based on an average of all
the data available from the countries and regions here reviewed,
in comparison with the expectations of the FSI and Cambridge
Assessment.
Figure 2. Expected level of attainment after 600 hours of instruction.
Source: Developed by the author based on Araujo & Costa (2013); MEN (2014); Ortega & Argudo (2016); Nguyen (2017).
Roger Edwards
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In combination with the maximal expectations shown here, it
is necessary to consider the circumstances in which students
of the FSI (Jackson & Kaplan, 1999), or those who study for
the higher-level Cambridge certificates (Cambridge English
Assessment, 2017) learn the target language. These can then
be used to evaluate the measures and policies adopted by the
national programmes in this review.
The FSI points out that their data are average learning times under
very specific conditions, which had been, in their view, optimised
for their circumstances (Jackson & Kaplan, 1999). These may be
considered the factors of ‘opportunity’:
RESULTS
Data from national surveys
of attainment in foreign languages
T
he language survey carried out by the European Commission
in 2012 revealed statistics regarding attainment among
adolescents (average age 15) across 14 countries of the
European Union (EU). Tomasi (2017, pp.123-124) reported that
“the level of independent user (B1+B2) is achieved by only 42%
of tested students in the first foreign language.” This overall
statistic masks considerable variation among the participant
countries, and results from selected countries with differing
levels of attainment can be seen in Table 1.
Table 1. Countries representing lower, middle and upper ranges of attainment in languages.
Source: data compiled by author from European Commission (2012).
The situation among language students in Colombia is
considerably further from achieving expectations (see Figure 3
for a comparison of EU, Colombia and Vientnam): 59% of school
students up to 11th Grade showed an effective knowledge
of English at A0/A1, with only 6% achieving B1 level in 2013
(Bonilla & Tejado-Sánchez, 2016). For most university students
in Colombia, continued English instruction is obligatory with at
least 200 (and often considerably more) classroom hours being
provided at this level. In 2012, 8% of these students achieved
level B2 following these additional hours of instruction, with over
60% remaining at A1 level (MEN, 2014).
In Vietnam, the statistics for high school students are very similar.
The average 16-year-old accumulates 600 hours of English
language instruction, and is at the A0/A1 level. Admittedly,
English is considered by many linguists harder to access for
Vietnamese speakers than for Spanish speakers (Jackson &
Kaplan, 1999), but the reported progress is slower than both
the FSI’s estimates, and the expectations of those involved in
language education in Vietnam:
98% of Vietnamese students study English for 7 years but
are unable to use it in basic communication. On average,
only those who major in the language can score 5 out of
10 in the National English Entrance Exams to university.
After entering university, most have to restart at beginner
level. (Nhan, 2013, p. 147)
Recommended class size at the FSI was a maximum of 6
for English learners of Spanish or French.
The learners were all highly motivated, both intrinsically
and extrinsically.
The teachers were all trained native speakers, or at least
functionally bilingual.
A variety of approaches and learning formats were
employed, including some level of immersion in the L2.
Furthermore, all students in the FSI, and most students studying
for higher level Cambridge English assessments (Cambridge
English Assessment, 2017) and higher level French assessments
(DELF-DALF, 2018), are adults, or older adolescents. This is the
first factor to be evaluated in the following discussion.
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9
Frustration and hope: a review of the response undertaken in national education programmes
to lower-than-expected rates of foreign language acquisition.
Figure 3. Level of attainment at the end of compulsory education.
Source: compiled by author based on data from European Commission (2012),
Colombia from MEN (2014), and Vietnam from Nhan (2013).
Finally, Ecuador reports a similar experience to that seen in
Colombia and Vietnam. In the case of Ecuador, alarm at the very
low level of attainment of English students led to the CRADLE
initiative, followed by the current programme of Reinforcement of
English Language Teaching (Ortega & Argudo, 2016; Ministerio
de Educación de Ecuador [Mineduc], 2014). Slight improvement
was afterwards recorded in the level of English in the population
as a whole, but Ecuador remains below Colombia in standardised
international proficiency indices (Education First, 2017a, 2017b).
Clearly, in these last three cases, each in themselves fairly
representative of their wider regions (Education First, 2017a),
(Education First, 2017b), as well as in some countries within
the European Union (Araujo & Costa, 2013), rates of English
language acquisition, both in secondary and in tertiary education,
have been historically very low when compared to the potential
for attainment highlighted in Figure 1. They remain relatively low
despite some years of targeted intervention (Bonilla & Tejado-
Sánchez, 2016; Nguyen, 2017; Ureña, 2014).
There are many inter-connected factors within the ‘opportunity’
conditions for foreign language acquisition (see for example
Spolsky & Sung, 2014). Those which have been highlighted and
explicitly addressed in the reports and initiatives commissioned
by national governments and the European Commission are
evaluated in the following section.
DISCUSSION
Factor 1: hours of study versus age of students
A
s was summarised in a thorough review of studies of the
influence of learner age on rates of acquisition by Muñoz
and Singleton (2011), adults and older adolescents experience
a considerably higher rate of L2 acquisition than young
adolescents, although the rates do begin to converge in most skill
areas after several hundreds of hours of instruction, according to
the Barcelona Age Factor Project (Muñoz, 2006).
Therefore, 600 hours of instruction for adults will equate to a
higher level of attainment than 600 hours between late childhood
and mid-adolescence. In all of the countries reviewed here,
current compulsory provision of English language instruction
amounts to at least 600 hours accrued by 15/16 years of age,
with some areas providing up to 900 hours, (Araujo & Costa,
2013; Bonilla & Tejado-Sánchez, 2016; Ortega & Argudo, 2016).
Consequently, are the countries surveyed here justified in their
frustration or alarm at the slow rate of progress? According to
Roger Edwards
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10
the tendencies reported by the Barcelona Age Factor Project
(Muñoz, 2006), 600 hours of instruction between late childhood
and mid-adolescence is sufficient to bring a majority of students to
B1 level. If this analysis is applied to some areas of the European
Union, then it would seem there is no justification for frustration, as
adolescent learners are making the expected rate of progress for
their age (see for example, statistics for Slovenia, Greece and the
Netherlands, in European Commission, 2012). In other areas of
Europe, the majority of students are at A2 level or below, following
600 hours of instruction, which is certainly less than expected.
Araujo and Costa (2013) see the age of beginning training in
the foreign language as an essential ‘opportunity’ for influencing
attainment by the end of compulsory education: “In general,
with respect to system-level policies, we can say that the
most significant effect is the onset of language learning” (p.
28). However, in Vietnam, Colombia and Ecuador (Nguyen,
2017), (Bonilla & Tejado-Sánchez, 2016), (Ureña, 2014), and
in some European nations (see statistics, for example, for the
U.K., France, Poland, Spain in European Commission, 2012),
the rate of acquisition by mid-adolescence is so slow it seems
that considerably reducing the age of onset would have little
additional impact. Earlier onset has been a recommendation in
both Colombia and Ecuador (see, for example MEN, 2014, 2015),
and yet if 600 hours between ages 10 and 16 has produced an
attainment of level A1 at best, it seems unlikely that a further 300
hours between ages 6 and 10 will move students much further
towards a level B1, or indeed B2, by age 16.
On the contrary, if rates of acquisition are far slower among children
than among older adolescents, as a large number of studies have
shown (Muñoz & Singleton, 2011), then those countries with low
attainment by 16 should rather invest only in post-16 compulsory
foreign language tuition. Mandatory university-level English
instruction has been embraced by both Colombia and Ecuador,
but at the same time as their having dedicated scarce resources
to primary-level English teaching (British Council 2015a; British
Council 2015b). Certain government policy may be mistakenly
guided by the Critical Period Hypothesis (CPH) (Colombo, 1982)
which suggests that native-like attainment may only result from
some degree of L2 immersion during childhood. The CPH is itself
a matter of considerable debate (Muñoz & Singleton, 2011), but, in
any event, it has not been shown that failure to attain a B2 level is
linked to a lack of early-childhood learning opportunities.
Factor 2: class size
W
ithin the education systems of the European Union,
Vietnam, Colombia and Ecuador, class size is rarely less
than 25, and may often be closer to 40 students (British Council,
2015a; British Council, 2015b; Araujo & Costa, 2013). There
is no consensus on how class size correlates to attainment in
language learning. Zarker’s extensive survey of the impact of
class size on both language learning and on other subjects
suggested that the quantifiable benefits may be in the range of
a few percentage points (Zarker, 2000). This is supported by
the conclusions of Araujo and Costa (2013) who stated: “there
is little effect of classroom size in foreign language learning” (p.
28), and they even maintained that reduced class size coincided
with lower attainment in some instances.
The indication that very large classes may be a threat to learning
has been put forward by British Council reports (British Council,
2015b), but without suggesting any strong correlations. On the
other hand, a number of small-scale studies do show considerable
differences in learning progress (see for example, Yi, 2008) and
certainly private academies and specialist language institutes
around the world insist on reduced class sizes as a key benefit
for learners.
None of the surveys and national programmes recommended a
significant reduction in class size within their public education
systems (MEN, 2014; Nguyet, 2017; Education First, 2017a,
2017b; Araujo & Costa, 2013). Certainly, class size in countries
whose education system produces close-to-expected progress
in the acquisition of English, such as the Netherlands or Sweden,
class sizes are no different to those with poorer results (Araujo
& Costa, 2013). Therefore, in the light of much contradictory
evidence, and certainly with no clear indication of a positive
correlation between class size and an improved rate of acquisition,
all of the initiatives and recommendations surveyed are correct
not to prioritise this factor by assigning scarce funding to smaller
classes.
Factor 3: average levels of motivation
T
he average level of motivation of the students within the
European survey was well below those described by the
FSI (Araujo & Costa, 2013). Intrinsic motivation was particularly
low compared with students who voluntarily attend classes at
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Frustration and hope: a review of the response undertaken in national education programmes
to lower-than-expected rates of foreign language acquisition.
private language academies or as part of specialist programmes.
However, Araujo and Costa found no positive correlation between
intrinsic interest in language learning and attainment in European
countries, and in some instances the opposite was true (2013,
pp. 36-37).
The extrinsic motivations resulting from having made English
study obligatory for high school or even for university graduation
(British Council, 2015a; Consejo de Educación Superior, 2013)
are certainly strong, but a greater, albeit emerging, motivation
may come from the phenomenon of the imaginary international
English language community described by Canh (2014). In
his study into language learning in Vietnam, Canh argues that
globalised communication and interaction on economic, cultural
and sporting themes have created an ‘imagined community’ to
which most learners desire to have a connection. Therefore,
traditional discussions of acculturation (Schumann, 1985) and
integration to a specific group, previously more applicable to
second language acquisition studies (Dornyei, 2001), may
be substituted for a desire to belong to this ‘imagined’ global
community and be equally felt by students of English as a foreign
language in any context.
In the case of Colombia, the government has attempted to force
a cultural shift towards an internationally-integrated population
through the Colombia Bilingüe programme (Portafolio, 2015;
British Council, 2015a). However there is no evidence as yet
whether integration can successfully be made a national policy
in this way. In any event, the permeation of this international
English-speaking culture into society is universal and seemingly
irresistible, and is therefore outside of the control of government
initiatives. The impact of this motivational factor on rates of
English acquisition remain to be seen and should be the subject
of future study in national programmes.
Factor 4: teachers’ linguistic competence
T
o return to the limitations highlighted above by the Colombian
Ministry of Education (MEN, 2014) (see introduction), the
quality of the hour’s instruction is seen to be fundamental in
determining the learners’ rate of progress. The factor most
frequently highlighted in the national programmes surveyed here
(Tuyet, 2015; MEN, 2014; British Council, 2015b) is teachers’
linguistic knowledge, that is, language skills, vocabulary and
grammatical knowledge of the target language.
National testing of English language teachers in 2010 revealed that
29% of all staff working in the Colombian public sector were at the
B2 level. Following efforts, this percentage increased to 43% in
2013, leading to the current initiative, Colombia Bilingüe, which
seeks to have all English teachers at B2 level or above by 2025.
A similar case is reported by the British Council in Vietnam, where
they collaborate in teacher training with the Vietnamese Ministry
of Education and Training [MOET]. Starting from 2008, MOET
raised the target for linguistic standards for English teachers
to B2 for all English teachers, and C1 for high school teachers
(British Council, 2018, para. 1).
This initiative came in response to the results of a nationwide
test of English teachers’ ability at the B2 level. Only 3% of high
school teachers passed the test, with some 17% of primary
school teachers being found to be at the A1 level, which led
MOET to conclude that lack of student progress, despite
receiving hundreds of hours of instruction, is due to professional
inadequacy (Tuyet, 2015).
In Ecuador in 2012, less than 1% of teachers in the public sector
were found to be at level B2 (Ecuador tiene falencias [Ecuador has
flaws], n.d.). The Ecuadorian government then established, and
currently maintains, the requirement that all specialist English
teachers have at least a B2 level of competence. However, this
remains far from being achieved. As in Colombia and Vietnam,
the Ecuadorian government (Mineduc, 2014) places the greatest
emphasis on the correlation between the linguistic competence
of teachers and an adequate rate of foreign language acquisition
among students (Ureña, 2014).
One criterion of minimum linguistic competence is provided
by Cambridge English (2018) in the DELTA teacher training
programme. A minimum of C1 is required for teachers to be
considered proficient, or expert according to their assessment
criteria. This level is generally achieved in Europe, where
teachers’ subject knowledge of the target language is ranged
between B2 and C2 (European Commission 2012, pp. 206-
207). Most language teachers in the public sector are required
to have at least a bachelor’s degree or equivalent in the relevant
language, which in most European countries corresponds to
a C1 level. In many cases, a large number of native-speaker
teachers are employed. In Malta, 54% of public sector English
teachers are native speakers. In Spain, France, Sweden and
the Netherlands, the porcentage of native speakers is 20%
(European Commission, 2012).
Roger Edwards
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Figure 4. Level of CEFR competence in language teachers.
Source: compiled by author based on data in Jackson & Kaplan (1999);
European Commission (2012); MEN (2014); Nhan (2013).
There seems to be a strong correlation between teacher linguistic
level and student attainment across all of the regions reviewed
here. However, many European countries, including France,
Spain and the UK, are far from achieving expected progress,
despite the linguistic expertise of their teaching staff (see
table 1). Vietnam, Colombia and Ecuador are right to place a
strong emphasis on teacher subject knowledge, but they should
not expect that remedying this factor alone will lead to better
attainment, if this were the case, most European countries would
already be achieving expected levels of attainment.
Factor 5: other aspects of instructional quality
T
he quality of instruction involves many factors, such as
the teacher’s classroom practice, their knowledge of
methodologies, and their classroom management skills, as well as
resources such as the quality, or indeed availability of textbooks.
The nature of the learning curriculum and of teacher training
in generally accepted pedagogical methods has largely been
standardised in most educational contexts, especially following
the adoption of the Common European Framework of Reference
for Languages by most countries (MEN, 2014), which demands
an emphasis on communicative competence, and due to
collaborations with expert international organisations such as
the British Council (British Council, 2018; British Council 2015a,
2015b), as well as the use of internationally published textbooks
which conform to accepted standards. However, there is evidence
of continued inefficient practices in the language classroom,
such as avoidance of the L2 for instruction and a perpetuation
of grammar-translation techniques (Espinosa, 2015), which may
offset some of the advantages of teacher linguistic competence.
Nonetheless, within Europe, Araujo and Costa (2013) found no
evidence that differing approaches and methodologies had any
significant impact on language acquisition (pp. 33-34), and
Spolsky finds no variation in approach to be directly correlated
with acquisition: “Any intelligent and disinterested observer knows
that there are many ways to learn languages and many ways to
teach them, and that some ways work with some students in
some circumstances and fail with others” (Spolsky, 1989, p. 383).
A qualitative factor found to be significant by Araujo and Costa
(2013, p. 35) is described as how good language lessons are
perceived to be by students. For example, where a teacher
prefers to engage their students with low-level cognitive tasks,
such as copying texts, or appears to take little interest in student
learning, it is likely that learning will be impeded. This general
quality of lesson may be one of the most significant factors
influencing the rate of learning, and this is certainly manifested by
the national school inspectorate in the UK (Ofsted, 2015). Their
report into modern foreign language learning [MFL] from 11-14
years old observed that “too often, inspectors found teaching
that failed to challenge and engage pupils” and concluded that
“achievement was not good enough in just under half of the MFL
classes observed” (Ofsted, 2015 p. 5).
Figure 4 illustrates the different levels of competence in the
different countries and regions in this review, and compares
them to standards at the FSI.
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13
Frustration and hope: a review of the response undertaken in national education programmes
to lower-than-expected rates of foreign language acquisition.
The UK was in last place in the European Survey of Languages,
although with reference to the teaching of French and Spanish
as foreign languages, rather than English. Results were similar to
those seen in Latin America and Vietnam, that is, 80% at level A1
or below (European Commission, 2012, p. 232). There may be
parallels to be drawn between this situation and those of Colombia,
Ecuador or Vietnam, yet there are no published inspectorate
reports pertaining to the quality of lessons in these countries.
Whereas, in Colombia, respondents in surveys manifested a
positive opinion of the general quality of language lessons at
school and university (British Council, 2015a, pp. 55-56), (British
Council 2015b). Greater rigour and transparency in inspections
and lesson observations may lead to much needed reform in this
area. On the other hand, in the UK, MFL attainment has plateaued
for many years despite this transparency (Tinsley & Board, 2017).
Factor 6: exposure to the foreign language out-
side of the classroom
I
n some countries, such as Sweden, the Netherlands and Malta,
a majority of students do reach level B2 by the end of high
school (Costa & Almeida, 2015). In these European countries,
the target language enjoys a very strong presence in the cultural
and working environment, allowing students hundreds, or even
thousands, of additional hours of passive exposure. The level
of impact on language acquisition of such passive exposure
outside of the target language country, as part of foreign, rather
than second language learning, has not been reliably quantified.
However there is certainly a consensus that the presence of the
target language in the environment is a strong complement to
language acquisition (Costa & Almeida, 2014; British Council,
2015a, 2015b).
The opportunities for passive exposure include English language
television and film, is readily available in several countries (Costa
& Almeida, 2014). Its impact is stronger in listening skills, as
may be seen in the data compiled by the First European Survey
on Language Competences (European Commission, 2012) and
summarised in Table 2 below. Countries whose television and
cinema are dominated by original version English language
content higher score in listening skills:
Table 2. Top EU countries by listening skill
Ecuadorians who consider themselves fluent in English certainly
place great importance on this aspect of acquisition:
The largest shares of those that felt confident in their
English skills (advanced and fluent) said that it was due
to social and cultural factors such as watching English
language films and television (29%), listening to music
with English lyrics (22%) and speaking English with friends
(15%) and at work (15%) (British Council, 2015b, p. 40).
A similar situation was reported in Colombia (British Council,
2015a). However, this survey refers to those who already see
themselves as very competent in the language. The general
situation in Colombia and Ecuador is a cultural and professional
environment with a negligible presence of the English language.
Both British Council reports consider a failure to engage with
the English language outside of the classroom as a key factor
in poor English acquisition among the population as a whole.
Therefore, in the majority of the countries surveyed in this
review, there is a general lack of opportunity for the passive
exposure as a complement to the study of English considered of
great importance by numerous experts (Costa & Almeida, 2014;
Council of Europe, 2017; European Commission, 2011).
Moreover, exposure to reading texts in English was also shown to
be a strong element among fluent English users in Ecuador and
Colombia. In both countries, nearly 50% of those who considered
themselves at an advanced level of English stated they read
frequently, either for pleasure, or as a requirement for work or
study (British Council, 2015a, 2015b). Conversely, those qualified
as weak in English stated they seldom or never read in the L2.
None of the countries surveyed here have undertaken an explicit
programme, or invested resources in allowing their citizens
to receive greater exposure to written English. Colombia has
undertaken a nationwide reading initiative for both L1 and L2 (MEN,
Source: compiled by author based on data in European Commission (2012).
Roger Edwards
Investigación y Desarrollo • Volumen 11 • 2016 • Diciembre • Nº 1 • ISSN: 1390-5546 / e-ISSN: 2361-2557
14
2013). However making subtitling rather than dubbing mandatory
on national television or cinema has so far not been implemented
by any country to date, despite recommendations of the potential
impact of such a measure (European Commission, 2011).
CONCLUSION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The majority of the research, as well as the first draft of the article
was carried out at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne and
began as part of the background research for a master’s degree
dissertation.The physical and electronic research resources at
this institution made this literature review possible.
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