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COVID-19 PANDEMIC, A LOOK FROM THE ANDEAN WORLDVIEW IN THE SHUAR COMMUNITY
Cristina Belén Tapia Ruiz1https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9116-8639, Mariela Alexandra Idrovo Vallejo2https://orcid.org/0000-0002-
5555-0099, Sharon Gabriela Torres Abrigo1https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0389-9835, Diana Margarita Gómez
Salgado2https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0645-6733
1Student of the Nursing Career Faculty of Human Health. National University of Loja. Loja, Ecuador.
2Nursing Career Professor. Faculty of Human Health. National University of Loja. Loja, Ecuador.
2477-9172 / 2550-6692 All Rights Reserved © 2024 Universidad Técnica de Ambato, Nursing Program. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the
Creative Commons License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Received: July 15, 2023
Accepted: September 25, 2023
ABSTRACT
Introduction: The COVID-19 pandemic has generated a severe
global economic, social and health crisis. In some communities,
aspects such as habitat and behavior patterns influence the
perspectives and experiences of their inhabitants regarding the
management of the disease. Objective: Characterize the
COVID-19 pandemic from the Andean worldview of the Shuar
community of the Los Encuentros parish. Methods: Qualitative
study with phenomenological design, in which 10 informants
participated. A semi-structured interview was used to collect
data, consisting of 15 questions, which allow three categories to
be encompassed: Perception of the COVID-19 disease, the
community's experiences in the face of the pandemic and the
practices of traditional medicine applied Results: Most of the
participants express that the disease comes from the air, is
transmissible and can cause death. Likewise, they considered
the biosafety and vaccination measures contemplated by the
Ministry of Health to be positive and adequate. As for the
experiences, to prevent contagion, they used access restriction
to their territories. They identified the sick people due to
characteristic manifestations of the disease, cared for them at
home and in case of death they proceeded to bury them
immediately, without performing farewell rituals for their relatives,
generating annoyance among members of the community. For
ancestral practices in the treatment, medicinal plants such as
eucalyptus, ginger, lemon and orange were used. Conclusions:
The ancestral knowledge and practices of the Shuar community
allowed them to face the COVID-19 pandemic from their beliefs
and culture, but incorporating provisions of the national health
authority, which allowed better control of the disease in the
community.
Keywords: perception, worldview, medicinal plants, pandemics,
COVID-19
Corresponding author: Cristina Belén Tapia Ruiz. Email:
cristina.b.tapia@unl.edu.ec
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INTRODUCTION
The COVID-19 pandemic, caused by a mutant strain of
coronavirus SARS-CoV-2, has generated a severe economic,
social and health crisis throughout the world.(1). The first cases
of the disease were reported, in December 2019 in the city of
Wuhan, China, as outbreaks of rapidly spreading severe
pneumonia, manifested by flu-like symptoms, including fever,
cough, dyspnea, myalgia and fatigue(23). Globally, according to
the World Health Organization as of November 8, 2022,
629,978,289 confirmed cases of COVID-19 have been recorded,
including 6,582,023 deaths.(4).That is to say, the COVID-19
pandemic had a global impact both at a health level and on the
way of life of the population in general. The impact was more
evident in vulnerable populations such as those belonging to
native peoples, since inequities in health care, sanitation and
preventive measures still persist and require greater
attention.(5.6).
The Shuar population is located in Los Encuentros parish, in the
province of Zamora Chinchipe. It can highlight that the origin of
this community is the product of a fusion of an Amazonian group
of Arawak language with another Puruha Mochica language, of
Andean background. Their traditional practices include rituals,
songs, use of natural elements that are part of their cultural
heritage, emphasizing ancestral medicine among them.(7).
The Shuar community has a fervent belief in nature as a healing
method. For both men and women, it is of great importance to
have extensive knowledge of nature, however, men have
traditionally been allowed the work of shamanism. In the Shuar
culture, the shaman is the one who cures diseases by taking
advantage of the properties of medicinal plants through the
performance of rituals.(8).
Based on the above, the perception of the COVID-19 pandemic
and its management in the Shuar community can be explained
through their Andean worldview, which is a product of the socio-
historical context of the people with a natural and cultural
environment (9). In this sense, the perception of things as part of
a whole and not as fragments of consciousness must be
assumed (10,11). Likewise, thanks to phenomenology, we can
focus our interest on understanding the human being, and the
experiences lived in their daily lives, since everything that
happens is a phenomenon (12,13). Phenomenology as a
philosophy focuses on the understanding of lived experiences,
which helps guide our practice in the performance of the
profession (14). Therefore, the objective of the present study was
to characterize the COVID-19 pandemic from the Andean
worldview of the Shuar community of the Los Encuentros parish.
METHODS
This research corresponds to a study with a qualitative approach,
with a phenomenological design. It was developed in the Shuar
community of Los Encuentros parish, Yantzaza Canton (15),
located in the south of the Ecuadorian Amazon, 67 km from the
province capital of Zamora Chinchipe. The study population was
made up of 10 participants who met the following inclusion
criteria: at least one person within the family nucleus who has
had COVID-19, people over 18 years of age who belong to the
Shuar community of Los Encuentros, who have lived in the parish
during the pandemic and who wish to participate in the study.
To collect data, a semi-structured interview was applied,
consisting of 15 questions that covered 3 categories related to
the perception of the study participants regarding the COVID-19
disease, the community's experiences in the face of the
pandemic, and ancestral practices applied by the study group for
the treatment of the disease. From these previously mentioned
categories, 12 subcategories were derived (Table 1).
The transcription of the information and the analysis of the results
were carried out manually according to the guidelines of Tong et
al.(16) proposed in the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting
Qualitative Research (COREQ). To present the results, subjects
were identified using the interview letter “E” with a numerical
code that represents the interview number and followed by the
letter “H” or “M” to identify whether the participant is male or
female. respectively. For data coding, the color technique was
used, which allowed the classification of each response into the
different subcategories, allowing those that are repeated most
frequently to be identified and consolidate the information
provided (Table 2).
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Finally, as part of the ethical considerations, prior to data
collection, the purpose of this study was discussed with each of
the participants, who agreed to be part of it through the informed
consent document. In addition, the right to autonomy, respect
and confidentiality of the information collected was guaranteed.
Due to the fact that no personal data was requested from the
participants, a numerical coding was assigned to each
interviewee in order to guarantee their anonymity and therefore
the Helsinki ethical principles(17).
RESULTS
Category 1: Perception of the COVID-19 disease
Subcategory. Origin of the disease
In this subcategory, participants express their ideas about the
origin of the COVID-19 disease, in relation to their culture, beliefs
and values. One of the most relevant results is the description
that the participants made about the way the disease presents
itself, which is through the air.
“Well, we believed that this disease is a product of the air,
because the air is dirty” (E1-H)
“We believed that it is a result of the air” (E5 – M)
“Because of the dirty air that brought it here, that air was” (E6
M)
However, some participants have a different view regarding the
origin of the disease, which is more related to the information that
was disseminated by different organizations and media.
“That was because of the Chinese” (E9 – M)
“It is because the Chinese had eaten the bats and from there it
spread all over the world” (E10 – M)
Subcategory. Knowledge of COVID-19
In this subcategory, participants mention their opinions about
what they know about the COVID-19 disease, showing as one of
the most notable results that the disease is transmissible and
deadly.
Yes, we believed, because it was kind of contagious and we had
been talking to someone and we were getting infected and for
me I do believe it was contagious” (E1 – H)
“That disease did pass to other people because when we talked
and sneezed, the air carried it away and we got that COVID which
was death” (E2 – M)
“This disease is transmitted by coughing, sharing utensils and
sneezing” (E4 – M)
“Transmissible yes, but not deadly because as long as the
necessary care is taken, this disease will not kill us” (E10 – M)
Subcategory. Biosafety measures
As for this subcategory, the majority of those interviewed
indicated their position regarding biosafety measures,
specifically the use of masks and alcohol.
Yes, we wear the mask above all” (E6 – M)
“Not so much. That's why in my family we only wear the mask
and that's only when we were going to leave, the rest of us don't
wear them because when we're here we just don't wear anything”
(E7 H)
“Yes, because those were very important to not infect others” (E8
M)
“Yes, we wore the mask because many times we didn't know how
it was spread, so these things did help us not get infected when
we went out” (E9 – M)
Subcategory. Vaccine appreciation
Regarding the appreciation of the vaccine, they stated that they
agreed with the vaccine because it helped them improve their
health.
“I do think they are good, although some say vaccines continue
to eat organs and are bad” (E2 – M)
“The vaccine is good and I got vaccinated, that was the first dose
and it went well too, so it took away my fever and everything” (E8
M)
“Good because when I got the vaccine, I didn't get COVID again,
my arm only hurt for two days” (E10 – M)
On the other hand, some interviewees stated that they did not
agree with the vaccine because they considered it bad for their
health.
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“It is not good. It is not necessary to get vaccinated because
before they lived for a long time without getting vaccinated” (E4
M)
“I think it's bad because some family members' bodies and arms
hurt when they put that, so I didn't even get any of those vaccines
because it hurts us” (E9- M)
Category 2: Experiences in the face of the COVID-19
pandemic
Subcategory. Signs and symptoms
Regarding signs and symptoms, the interviewees expressed that
the main sign presented was the general discomfort of the body.
However, it is worth mentioning that there are certain variations
that depend on the individual manifestations of the immune state.
“Bone pain, body discomfort, headache” (E4 – M)
Regardless the fatigue and the sweat, that wanted to kill me. It
left me without spirit, without spirit” (E2 – M)
“This was just a pain in the body that did not allow me to eat and
did not allow me to walk. I normally had no taste” (E3 – H)
“He had a cough, a little fever, and body discomfort. He said his
bones hurt and had a lot of mucus” (E10 – M)
Subcategory. Diagnostic methods
In relation to this subcategory, the participants express their
experiences about the diagnostic methods for COVID-19 where
one of the most relevant results is that they used the symptoms
as an indicator to know that they had the disease.
“It was because of the discomfort we had, because of that and
we knew it was COVID because they already told us that they
got it and knew what it was like” (E3 – H)
“We already knew the people who had COVID, because the first
ones with that had the same thing as us” (E6 – M)
So, they had breathing problems, they had no taste, because of
the flu and so on” (E7 – H)
Despite the above, some participants resorted to other diagnostic
methods that are more in line with the ways promoted by the
authorities for the detection of COVID-19.
“I got tested after I had symptoms, so I got tested and it came
back positive” (E4 – M)
“Because he was coughing, he had a fever, they didn't leave the
house too, that's why. Yes, I had the one where they pricked your
finger with a needle and the blood came out and everything came
back positive” (E9 – M)
Subcategory. Management of corpses
In this subcategory, the interviewees expressed their
experiences related to the handling of corpses where one of the
most notable results is that alterations occurred in the common
rituals carried out by the community regarding the vigil of the
deceased.
“We kept vigil here privately. We kept vigil over them and then
we came here to the cemetery and we buried him” (E5 – M)
“They didn't keep vigil over them at all, only those who took him
buried him directly on the same day” (E6 M)
“They packed them up and took them straight to the cemetery”
(E4 M)
“They didn't let them keep vigil over them, they made them go
and bury them directly in the cemetery because it was prohibited
and people were scared of us” (E10 – M)
Subcategory. Preventive measures
Regarding prevention measures, the participants indicated that
the entry and exit of the population was restricted in the
community as the main method to avoid infections.
“It is forbidden for unknown people to enter” (E2 – M)
“We didn't just let people leave the community like that” (E3-H)
“No, we didn't go out or let them come in from anywhere else”
(E7 H)
“We put a sign there on the bridge that strangers should not
enter” (E8 – M)
“People who are not from here were not allowed to enter” (E9
M)
Subcategory. Access to health
Regarding access to health, the participants express that in their
community the majority of people did not go to health services by
their own decision. Therefore, the management of their illness
was at home.
“We didn't go to the hospital; we didn't go. I'm not going to lie to
you I didn't have medical attention” (E3 – H)
“Yes, we may have gone to the hospital, but we never went
because it was better for us to stay at home” (E8 – M)
“There was a way to go, just get us treated at the hospital, but I
didn't go” (E10 – M)
However, different experiences were presented in which it was
evident that some did go to receive care at a health facility.
“You could just go, but the truth is I didn't go there, I went to
what's called a clinic or laboratory, then the health centers at the
meetings followed me up” (E4 – M)
Yes, it was accessible. That's why I went to get that test done,
the I told you about and from there they sent me those pills that I
didn't take” (E9 – M)
Subcategory. Vaccine application
In this subcategory, the interviewees express that the majority of
the population did get the vaccine but that it was more out of
obligation than of their own decision.
“Yes, they were asked to do so, but they were forced to do so
because from there they said that it was bad” (E1 – H)
Of course, they got it because the certification was, as I say,
required so we could get on those buses, taxis, lately in the
restaurants. And we had to go and get them, out of obligation”
(E7 H)
“The majority did get it, but some said that it is good because it
cured them and so it was more like they got it out of obligation”
(E8 M)
However, some participants point out that in the community they
did not accept the vaccine.
“No, they didn't accept it at first, because, because it scared
them” (E5 – M)
“They didn't accept because they didn't want to, because they
said that if they got vaccinated those people would die” (E6 M)
Subcategory. Pharmacotherapy
In this subcategory, two participants mention that they underwent
pharmacological treatment to recover.
“A vial of vitamins” (E3 – H)
“Well, the doctor sent us to take some pills for COVID and with
that we were cured” (E10 – M)
Category 3: Traditional medicine practices
Subcategory. Use of medicinal plants
In this subcategory, the interviewees express that they used
medicinal plants as a treatment for COVID-19.
“We ate ginger with orange, eucalyptus, lemon” (E2 – M)
“I took it, drink it, we have a product. We really have natural
bitters from here that we used that ginger, eucalyptus. That's
what I had” (E3 – H)
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“We made a preparation with orange, lemon, ginger, a little drink
and we also drank a lot of hot water” (E7 H)
“Ginger, lemon, orange and alcohol, also use lemon verbena,
and garlic” (E8 – M)
DISCUSSION
The Andean worldview represents a vision of reality, built through
the socio-historical context of the people and their natural
environment. During the health emergency due to the COVID-19
pandemic, native communities such as the Shuar community had
a perception and experiences of the disease based on their
customs and beliefs. These aspects are best explained from
phenomenology, since it allows an understanding of the lived
experience, an experience that is assumed as part of a whole
through sensations, considering that nothing is learned
immediately but through the experiences of events.
In this sense, from the analysis of the categories in this study, the
following results were obtained:
In the category “perception of the COVID-19 disease”, origin and
knowledge of the disease, application of biosafety measures and
appreciation of the vaccine against the disease were assessed.
Thus, regarding origin, one of the most common expressions
among the participants was that this disease is a product of the
air. On the other hand, in terms of knowledge, the opinion of the
participants was that the disease is communicable and fatal. In
the subcategory related to biosafety measures, participants
highlighted that they consider the use of masks and alcohol to be
appropriate and useful as the main method to stop infections.
Regarding the appreciation of the vaccine, the participants stated
that they agreed with its application because it helped them
improve their health.
These results are comparable with other studies such as that of
Reyes Gomez(18) carried out in the indigenous population of
Chiapas, in which it determined that the origin of the disease,
according to the perception of those interviewed, was that the
coronavirus is present in "dirty air", contaminated with "cold
property", which is potentially harmful and probably cause of
death. Regarding knowledge of the disease, there is similarity
with the study carried out by Flores Choque et al.(19), which
shows that the majority of the population knows the
characteristics of the pandemic. Also, regarding biosafety
measures, a certain similarity was found in the study carried out
by Malán Lema (20) where the participants also wore the mask
despite stating that it bothered them, they could not breathe and
they had a headache. Regarding the appreciation of the vaccine,
the results obtained differ from a study carried out by Castrillo
Guzmán et al.( 21) since although the majority of the residents
declared their intention to get vaccinated, there was another
proportion that had no intention of doing so, either due to fear,
distrust and considering that it is not safe.
Regarding the category of “experiences facing the COVID-19
pandemic”, aspects related to signs and symptoms of the
disease, diagnostic methods, handling of corpses, prevention
measures, access to health, application of vaccines and
pharmacotherapy, the results indicate that the majority of those
interviewed experienced general body discomfort, including
fatigue, sore throat, fever, headache and chills. The
manifestation of these symptoms constituted, for the study
population, a diagnostic method to deduce that a person suffered
from COVID-19. Regarding the handling of the corpses, those
interviewed expressed that they were not able to hold a wake for
the deceased. Regarding prevention measures, the community
restricted the entry and exit of the population as the main method
to avoid infections. The majority decided not to access health
services; however, a large proportion of the population did get
the vaccine, indicating that it was more out of obligation than of
their own free will. In reference to the use of pharmacological
treatment, only two participants stated that they had used
medications to recover from the disease.
These results were contrasted with the study carried out by
Flores Choque et al.(19) where it was evident that the
interviewees presented characteristic symptoms of COVID-19
such as high fever, discomfort throughout the body, lack of
appetite, muscle pain, back pain, loss of strength, weakness and
stomach pain. They also stated that, within the treatment used,
the use of a conventional drug such as paracetamol stood out.
Regarding the handling of corpses, there were differences with
what was determined in Tuaza Castro's study(22), since it
pointed out that the residents remained with the deceased,
without accepting the restrictions of the emergency operations
center (COE). However, there was similarity with regard to
prevention measures, since the participants stated that they
accepted the isolation protocols, understanding “stay at home”,
as staying in the community. In this same sense, in the study of
Malan Lema (20), it was evident that in the community studied,
controls were carried out, restricting entry to the community,
complying with the mandatory quarantine for those who wished
to enter and preventing the departure of community members.
Regarding the application of the vaccine, similarity was found
with the study carried out by Flores Choque et al.(19) since the
results showed that the majority of the population received the
first dose.
Regarding the third category related to "traditional medicine
practices", specifically with the use of medicinal plants, it was
evident that the majority of the participants in this research used
eucalyptus, ginger and lemon for their medicinal properties.
These results are similar to those of the study carried out by
Chicaiza Calapaqui (23) where the most used plants were
eucalyptus, mint, plantain, onion and ginger. This was also
evident in the study by Tuaza Castro(22) where vaporizations
with mint, eucalyptus, Marco and Santamaría plants were used.
CONCLUSIONS
The Shuar community has a fairly accurate perception regarding
the origin of COVID-19, since the majority of the participants
express that the disease comes from the air, is transmissible and
can cause death. Likewise, they considered the biosafety and
vaccination measures contemplated by the Ministry of Health to
be positive and adequate, which allowed them to use these to
avoid contracting the disease. Regarding the experiences, they
implemented measures to prevent contagion, such as restricting
access to their territories. Regarding the identification of sick
people, it was done by manifestation of characteristic symptoms
of the disease, the same ones who were treated at home and in
case of death they were buried immediately, without being able
to perform the farewell rituals for their relatives, generating
annoyance among community members. Regarding the
ancestral practices used to treat the COVID-19 disease, the use
of medicinal plants such as eucalyptus, ginger, lemon and
orange was evident, which thanks to their healing properties
allowed the health of people sick with COVID-19 to be restored
in a natural way.
Tapia C/ Enfermería Investiga Vol. 8 No. 4 2024 (December - January)
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CONFLICT OF INTERESTS
The authors state that there is no any type of conflict of interest.
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